Occupying a great swath of desert between North and West Africa, Mauritania seems to be fated to be a profoundly schizophrenic place. A member of both the African Union and the Arab League, it supported Saddam Hussein in the first Gulf war but later established diplomatic relations with Israel. Home to two very distinct ethnic groups, Arab-Berbers and black Africans, it has been rife with racial and political tensions for decades. Although the country officially abolished slavery on many occasions over the past century, most recently in 2007, reports by human rights groups indicate that the practice still continues in some places. Although poor and obscure today, this country was once the home of the Almoravid movement which a millennium ago helped spread Islam throughout the region and for a time ruled Spain.

Given its colonial history and the deep fault lines in Mauritanian society, democracy has been slow to set roots. Since independence from France in 1960, it has been wracked by coups d’etat, and ruled by a succession of authoritarian and/or military regimes, until 2007 when voting was held resulting in the free election of President Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi. 17 months later, this brief democratic experiment ended in a bloodless takeover by high-ranking officers who had recently been fired by Abdallahi.

Outrage at the overthrow of the elected civilian government was fierce and swift. The government of junta leader General Mohamed Ould Abdelaziz came under fire from many quarters, in particular the regional international bodies, the European Union, the United States, and France. However, this condemnation had limited impact. The ousted President went into exile and his Prime Minister was kept under house arrest for many months.

In theory, Mauritania’s 1.1 million voters will be heading to the polls this Friday June 6th for national elections, in which General Abdelaziz is standing as the leading candidate. However, Senegalese mediators and some elements of the fractured opposition are urging the Mauritanian government to delay elections and work towards a government of national unity. Work on this continues and a breakthrough may be near.

The stakes for political failure are not insignificant. In 1989, Mauritania and Senegal fought an ugly border war with racial overtones which resulted in 250,000 persons fleeing their homes. The country has recently started to acquire a reputation as a conduit for drug trafficking to Europe, and there are serious concerns that extreme Islamist ideologies are being imported from neighboring Morocco and Algeria. In addition, over the past two years, Mauritania has become a respectable oil and gas producer. And of course, in a democratically fragile region like West Africa, additional state failures are unwelcome.

Despite obvious U.S. interests in regional stability, combating violent extremism in a troubled region, and keeping petroleum exports flowing, Washington’s policy has been remarkably consistent, emphasizing the illegitimacy of the current regime in Nouakchott. This is in keeping with similar positions adopted by Washington in the wake of democratic setbacks over the past six months in Madagascar and Guinea.

Chris Hennemeyer is IFES Vice President for Communications and Compliance. He has lived and worked in various African countries, including Mauritania,  for the past 20 years. He is a frequent television commentator on African affairs and has been published in major world newspapers.