I arrived in Tbilisi, Georgia in late July to assist the staff in transitioning the office from one project to another, a mission I was only too pleased to undertake, as it meant the continuation of our important work in the country. This new agreement in large measure due to the staff’s hard work and dedication to IFES and to democracy in Georgia
I left oppressively hot and dry weather in Washington to encounter the mirror image, dry and hot, in the Georgian capital. The one major difference was the spectacular view of old Tbilisi and the Caucasus mountains I enjoyed from my temporary office, as opposed to an interior vestibule of the new HQ office viewed through a frosted window. Not that I’m ungrateful, mind you.
Another similarity I saw between Tbilisi and Washington is how intensely both capital cities are awash in political rumor and intrigue (perhaps one common strand of democracy DNA) and how fierce the debate can be on the issues.
As July turned to August, I couldn’t help but reflect on the mood of the Georgians I met, now two years removed from the disastrous four-day conflict with Russia which essentially partitioned Georgia into thirds. Emotions were high, the mood largely cynical. The conflict represents a fresh and extremely raw memory for the life-loving Georgians, fiercely proud people with a passionate sense of independence. Another Georgian passion is the art of oratory, and I met not a single Georgian who didn’t harbor strong views on politics and foreign policy. One could say that the success of IFES’s recent program of promoting civil society development and an inclusive, democratic system of elections was in no small part due to the energy and spirit exhibited by Georgians from all sides of the political and social spectrum.
Strong opinions were in abundant supply with regards to views of the 2008 war’s aftermath. They seemed to be equally directed internally as at Georgia’s larger neighbor to the north. There was a recognition that not much could be done to alter the reality of Georgia’s present partitioning, though this did not prevent people from expressing their belief in a united Georgia and hope for its restoration.
For days, I could not stop thinking of the dilemma Georgians seem to be in: they yearn for a unified Georgia, but don’t feel like they can do much to achieve it.
One thing became clear as I flew to Yerevan with a planeload of Georgian nationals, ultimately headed to Moscow via the Armenian capital in the absence of direct flights to Russia: the link (economic, cultural) with Russia is inevitable and intractable. Russia is a needed market for Georgian products, particularly labor. It is not seen, however, as a desirable model of governance, yet ironically Georgia at times appears nevertheless to emulate certain aspects of Russia’s strong, centralized approach. Regardless of the direction Georgia takes in the future, Russia will always figure prominently in its path and the key to a stable and peaceful co-existence will lie in how the relationship between them is managed.
Perhaps the best way for Georgia to balance its relationship with Russia and move towards solidifying its independence is to establish an inclusive democratic system that will serve as an example to Georgia’s neighbors, both internal and external. If this can be achieved, along with continued economic growth and effective management, the country can address other issues which complicate relationships with its neighbors. The key issue remains faith in leadership and legitimacy of the democratic process.