Unequal Burdens: Corruption’s Impacts on People with Intersectional Identities in Lebanon

The three groups that respondents considered at highest risk of the impacts of corruption [23] are persons with disabilities, refugees, and LGBTQI+ people. [24] Others at risk include older persons, women, and migrant workers. Respondents considered men to be least impacted. 

While most KIs rated corruption affecting marginalized groups on a scale of 0 (not impacted by corruption) to 3 (heavily impacted), a few had reservations about providing ratings. Some noted that all residents of Lebanon, regardless of their identities, are affected by systemic corruption. One remarked that each category was very diverse, and intersectional factors played a critical role in how they experienced corruption. Another expressed a similar sentiment, noting that there can be no generalized rating for any population group because “it really depends on where they stand in this farm.” In other words, people who are influential, well-connected, or backed by a political party or a politician tend to be less affected. The respondent added that this is not necessarily a given because, for example, residents of a particular area of Lebanon who are known for extreme loyalty to a political leader still live in abject conditions. 

23.  Ratings on a scale of 3 were as follows: Persons with disabilities 2.96; refugees and migrants 2.83; LGBTQI+ people, 2.81; the elderly,  2.78; women, 2.75; and men, 1.86. Three respondents scored migrants lower than refugees, which reduced the rating to 2.63. However, most KIs believed the two groups were affected equally, noting that in some cases migrants experienced worse types of abuse due to the kafala system. For this reason, the report combines the two groups into a single category. 

24.  One respondent opted not to provide feedback about LGBTQI+ people. 

Persons with Disabilities

“Persons with disabilities are the last of the government’s priorities because they cannot use them – they cannot get money off their backs to steal it.” (KI)

“At the airport, State Security does not even look at us – they address their questions to the porters assisting us. It is as though we were just another suitcase sitting there.” (KI)

Respondents named persons with disabilities as the population most impacted by systemic corruption, including the failure to implement Law 220/2000 across civil society and the private and public sectors. Thus, persons with disabilities are prevented from accessing their most basic rights, including to accessible infrastructure, public and private spaces, and employment, as well as health and rehabilitation services, social and recreational opportunities, public transportation, security, and legal services. 

There was a consensus that corruption is to blame for public services being either nonexistent or limited and of poor quality. Furthermore, it is difficult to access existing services due to a lack of qualified personnel with the knowledge and skills to provide appropriate support (this includes a lack of interpreters for persons with auditory disabilities). Another accessibility challenge is that service delivery points are often located on the higher floors of buildings. “Even where the buildings have elevators,” a KI noted, “electricity rationing means they are merely a decorative item.” 

“As the economic scandal came to light, international support has dwindled away, and there is a lack of public social funds due to mismanagement and embezzlement. This has placed persons with disabilities in a very precarious state; they have nowhere to go.” (KI)

Considering the intersection of disability and sex, some KIs emphasized that, since women “were already treated as second-class citizens,” the vulnerability of women with disabilities was significantly multiplied in comparison to their male counterparts. One respondent noted that, regardless of a person’s gender, the more severe their disability, the more acute were the effects of corruption experienced. 

At the household level, persons with disabilities – especially, but not limited to, girls – are often deprived of education: Families prioritize boys or children without disabilities, especially when their financial means are limited. Two KIs attributed such favoritism to a lack of awareness and “corrupt thought among parents.” Even when parents send their children with disabilities to school, they face a range of challenges: 

• Public and private schools, as well as technical institutes, turn away disabled students due to the inaccessibility of the facility or the limited human resources available to support them. This practice is illegal: Law 220/2000 stipulates that schools cannot deny children an education on the basis of disability. 
• Private schools with special education departments are often prohibitively expensive. 
• When their children are accepted to a public school, families are expected to hire shadow teachers themselves, which they often cannot afford to do. The result is sub-standard education for children with disabilities, although the quality of public education is already perceived as low due to challenges related to the economic crisis such as teacher strikes, frequent closures, and limited funding for resources. 
• Children with disabilities often face bullying. One KI noted that “as children, we were always bullied by our peers because they were never taught that we are not different. Their parents see us as inferior and convey this ‘corrupt thought’ to their children. A lot of our social problems begin there, and we need to fight these issues at the root.” 
• Access to transportation is limited. Many private schools use buses that do not accommodate wheelchairs, and public transportation is difficult to access. Securing private transportation is generally costly. 
• Transportation challenges and concerns over children’s safety are exacerbated at the level of higher education. Universities may be far from home and challenging to reach. Moving from a family home is not always feasible – especially taking into account cultural values that reject girls leaving their parents’ households before marriage. 

“We are people with disabilities, not disabled people who are unable to do anything. But alas, this is how we are viewed in Bekaa-Hermel. Had we been in a different country, we would have had many more rights. We would have at least been allowed an education. I would have gone
to university, which was always my dream. I have built myself on my own, I have taken many trainings and sessions which I have paid for myself. Every single thing I have done I have fought for tooth and nail.” (Women with disabilities FGD participant, Bekaa)

The inability of persons with disabilities to access formal education and/or technical and vocational education and training (TVET) perpetuates the inequality, discrimination, and challenges they face. A direct consequence of this limitation is unequal access to the labor market and employment opportunities. However, even individuals who access education often face challenges. A man with an auditory disability cited an example: Although he had a barbering certification, he lacked the capital to open a business, and no barbershop would hire him. 

In the workplace, persons with disabilities tend to be exploited financially, paid lower wages than other workers, and deprived of equal rights because of an assumption that the challenge of securing employment in general means they will stay in the job. Candidates with disabilities reported sometimes being subjected to invasive and disrespectful questioning in job interviews or asked about activities that highlight their disabilities despite their irrelevance to work requirements. One KI with a physical disability who interviewed for a graphic design position commented that she was asked whether she could run. She pointedly asked, “Why would I need to run? They are literally paying me to be sitting in front of a computer.” 

With regard to decision-making and national strategy development, people with disabilities “fall through the cracks of every conversation.” Even when a law pertains to disabilities, people with disabilities are consistently excluded from these processes. One KI said, “people think that help is only through charity, but we are not all charity cases. If we are not included in the planning and decision-making processes, if we are not consulted on topics we know better than anyone, this makes the entire effort futile, regardless of how well-intentioned it may be.” 

Corroborating this point is an observation by an FGD participant during the session. He told a member of the research team that a ramp at the venue indicated the intention to improve accessibility. However, he was certain that no one with mobility challenges had been consulted, because the ramp’s dimensions were incorrect; it was too wide for a person in a wheelchair to use easily and independently. 

Respondents also identified challenges in civil society. Unless an actor was specifically an organization for persons with disabilities (OPD), they tended to overlook disability considerations and reasonable accommodations in their programming and service areas. Even among OPDs, some were viewed negatively for not employing more persons with disabilities. Several KIs noted that projects may sometimes include an element that involves disabilities – more than likely due to a donor request; however, when the project ends, there is no sustainability or continuity. Participants with disabilities are left behind. 

“They bring women with disabilities for trainings, then they never follow up with them beyond that. This is harmful, because [even as an OPD], we have reached a point where it is challenging to get participants with disabilities to engage. We invite them and they tell us we do not want to come, everyone just brings us, preaches at us for a few hours, takes pictures of us to exploit our presence, and that is the extent of it.” (KI)

Refugees 
 

Refugees in Lebanon, often marginalized and deliberately omitted from legal frameworks, face a multitude of challenges. They are recognized as displaced persons rather than refugees, which many activists consider a strategic decision that enables the state to deprive them of the international rights and protections afforded to refugees. Obtaining documentation for legal residency is difficult, and many have stayed in the country illegally.

Some respondents noted that refugees who have registered with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees are in a somewhat better condition, although commenting that many refugees often express disappointment with the meager benefits provided by the agency. Recent state deportation campaigns have left them particularly vulnerable,[25] often regardless of whether they have documentation.

“Even though Syrian refugees are victims of political scapegoating and deportation campaigns, the government does not want them all to leave. They need them to get aid from foreign countries, and to do jobs that the Lebanese will not do.” (KI)

The key challenges reported included 1) an inability to secure safe and dignified shelter (high rents for small plots in informal tented settlements, financial or sexual exploitation with the threat of arbitrary eviction by landlords or camp authorities, overcrowded or dilapidated living spaces, lack of privacy, and winterization concerns); 2) limited opportunities, low wages and long working hours, with illegal contracts that deprive them of potential protections afforded by the labor law; and 3) challenges accessing education, including bullying at schools due to racism. 

KIs also stated that refugee response funding has been siphoned off between the government and NGOs, with only a small portion reaching intended beneficiaries. Still, many Lebanese think refugees are prioritized for assistance at the expense of local residents. This belief fuels anti-refugee sentiment at a time where the economic crisis has left 80 percent of Lebanese in poverty and 90 percent of Syrian refugees unable to cover their basic needs.[26] In addition to the direct mismanagement of funding, a critical area of concern is the claim that subsidized commodities such as fuel and flour are being smuggled to Syria instead of being sold on the Lebanese market. 

“Syrians as individuals are the weaker link. We are angry at them because of the pressure the country is under, but our anger is misplaced. We should be angry at the government for allowing such chaos to take over the country. Look at Jordan for example, the situation is much more organized. The lack of ability to coordinate the refugee response is yet another manifestation of corruption.” (KI)

A study by ABAAD [27] found that exploitation, including sexual, was widespread among some NGO distribution and service delivery staff. KIs and community members reported corrupt and fraudulent practices including registering people on beneficiary lists in return for sexual favors or relationships (generally women and girls), services (mostly men), portions of received assistance, commissions, or bribes. Refusal to engage could result in deregistration, even of eligible beneficiaries. 

Shelter rehabilitation projects were reported as “hotbeds for corruption” where NGO staff sometimes colluded with landlords for financial gain, threatening refugees with eviction if they complained about the insufficient or substandard restorations. 

Reporting mechanisms were deemed weak or absent. Some community members expressed mistrust in established systems, and a few KIs revealed that NGOs, especially smaller ones, tended to cover up reported incidents to avoid being blacklisted by donors and to continue receiving funding. 

Since 2011, the influx of Syrian refugees to Lebanon and the resulting additional pressure on the country’s struggling infrastructure, increased competition, and economic issues have made them targets of racism, scapegoating, exploitation, and corruption. However, each population group faces its own challenges. For example, while men’s mobility is limited and they may experience deportation or assault, women are subjected to intimate partner violence, sexual harassment within collective sheltering settings, sexual exploitation, and mistreatment by service providers that increases their distrust. 

Palestine refugees from Lebanon experience ongoing issues, such as the lack of legal status and recognition, employment restrictions, high poverty, and poor living conditions. Many Palestinian families have lived in Lebanon for five generations without being granted Lebanese citizenship, [28] depriving them of legal protection and social integration. Their classification as foreigners, refugees, and stateless people hinders their ability to access the most basic rights and services. 

Employment is extremely restrictive for Palestine refugees from Lebanon. They are barred from professions organized by syndicates (such as law, medicine, engineering, and teaching), holding managerial positions, or working in the public sector. Often, their prospects in the labor market are limited to jobs in construction, administrative roles, and small crafts. One KI said that these restrictions open the door to rampant corruption and exploitation. “I know of numerous cases of employers – including traders and some NGOs – who will hire a Palestinian candidate. They tell them ‘Your salary is $300, and $100 of it is mine,’ and make them sign that they are receiving the full amount. If they complain or report these instances, they are fired. People are forced to agree to these conditions because it is difficult to secure jobs and they need the money.” The KI said other practices include withholding “social security contributions” despite the fact that Palestine refugees do not benefit from social security or state pensions. According to the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), denial of the right to work or own property leaves them unable to generate or accumulate wealth through ownership and inheritance. It also prevents them from being productive members of Lebanese society from whom the state could benefit. [29] 

The distribution of in-kind relief assistance is problematic, as it often involves the storage of goods prior to distribution. This creates opportunities for theft and misappropriation such as taking valuable items, altering quantities, and replacing high-quality food items with lower-quality ones. A KI identified cash cards as a much more effective and transparent modality because they minimize the risk of theft and corruption and give recipients the freedom to purchase items that best meet their needs. 

Another significant concern is the lack of impartiality and heavy political influence on assistance allocation. Organizations and groups often prioritize their own members and supporters over others in need, disregarding eligibility criteria and denying assistance to households that are not affiliated with a particular faction (those households might receive assistance “on the rare occasions when non-partisan NGOs hold a distribution”). This practice exacerbates poverty as well as social and political divisions. 

Living conditions in refugee camps are dire, particularly during the winter months when substandard housing structures are vulnerable to damage from rain and flooding. Densely packed and low-hanging electrical wires pose significant risks of electrocution, with numerous fatalities resulting from this combination of environmental factors and inadequate infrastructure. 

“The women in one camp went out to protest at UNRWA to demand milk and diapers for children with disabilities. Not long afterwards, an individual started a small project to distribute milk, and asked us for a list of people who needed it. However, he treated people in a humiliating way, was extremely selective with who he helped, and made assistance contingent to the recipients praising him on Facebook. We later found out that a philanthropist had heard about the protest and had given a large sum for the milk to be distributed through this man. His treatment was inexcusable, and the money was not even from him.” (KI)

Within refugee camps, the operation of shops is controlled by people with strong connections or affiliations to influential figures (“It is fully dependent on wasta, you cannot get a single square meter otherwise”). This control enables shopkeepers to engage in exploitative practices including arbitrarily inflating prices and selling expired food and medication. Those who voice concerns about quality and safety or call for investigations are subjected to pervasive threats of violence or death. 

While these issues affect all Palestine refugees, a KI noted that “everything gets infinitely worse” for persons with disabilities. They often lack access to specialized services and support, as concerned stakeholders and humanitarian actors have no dedicated departments or mandates to address their needs. Even when they receive assistance or certain benefits, their caregivers often monopolize those resources. They also cannot find work, as employers are skeptical of their abilities. All these factors perpetuate dependence and reinforce the power dynamics within families, limiting the agency of those with disabilities. 

Similarly, older persons in camps are marginalized, especially if they live alone. The lack of social support systems and adequate care leaves them vulnerable to neglect, isolation, inability to afford their most basic needs, and consequently subject to exploitation.

25. Al Jazeera, May 2023. “State of Terror Hangs over Syrians in Lebanon amid deportations.” https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/3/ state-of-terror-hangs-over-syrians-in-lebanon-amid-deportations

26. European Commission, March 2023. “Lebanon: €60 million in humanitarian aid for the most vulnerable.” https://neighbourhood- enlargement.ec.europa.eu/news/lebanon-eu60-million-humanitarian-aid-most-vulnerable-2023-03-30_en 

27.  ABAAD, 2022. “Norms and Reform: Social, Economic, and Public Health Drivers of GBV among Syrian Refugees.” https://www.abaadmena.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Norms-and-Reform-GBV-among-Syrian-Refugees.pdf?x17986 

28.  Palestinian women who marry Lebanese men can acquire Lebanese citizenship, but Palestinian men who marry Lebanese women (as well as their children) are not entitled to the Lebanese nationality. 

29. UNRWA, July 2023. “Where We Work – Lebanon.” https://www.unrwa.org/where-we-work/lebanon 

Migrants

Migrant workers [30] are recruited through employment agencies and can come to Lebanon only under kafala, “a system of slavery enabled by the law.” Subjugation of migrant workers begins on their arrival at the airport, where they often face mistreatment until they are released to their employers. Generally, sponsors take their passports immediately. Often, they are unable to contact their families and are expected to work around the clock with little or no rest in what one KI called “a glorified broom closet of a room.” 

Torture, sexual harassment, and rape are not rare, especially against young female domestic workers. The Anti- Racism Movement reports that at least 60 migrant domestic workers die annually, an average of more than one death per week. [31] These cases are rarely investigated officially, and if they are, reports are not made public. The few reports that activists have obtained identified a glaring “lack of seriousness” in how the investigations were conducted. For example, reports often list the wrong nationality and generally rule deaths as suicides, even if a victim was found with a bullet in her back. “However, that is not to say that there are no suicides,” a KI remarked, “because the conditions they endure in many households would drive anyone insane.” Still, due to the lack of attention and concern displayed in investigations, she continued, “we will never know the ratio of suicide to non- suicide.” 

“There is a thriving corruption network between the authorities and the offices responsible for recruiting migrant workers. And naturally, the families that accept to get into such contractual relationships are accomplices to the abuse and corruption.” (KI)

Many workers escape from their employers’ households, often without their official documents, which they cannot access. Some have died in the attempt, and those who manage to escape may not make it to safety: A number are unable to leave the country or do not wish to. Instead, they work on the black market without legal status, which makes them vulnerable to exploitation or risks to their safety. Others are detained and “have to pay their way out.” Interestingly, some “actually pay their way into detention [bribing officers to arrest and deport them] because that is the only way for them to get back home.” 

“Everyone – from the most junior officers to agencies to employers/sponsors – now knows how the system stands against migrants, and how anyone can abuse them without repercussions. Anyone – including civilians – can stop them on the road and threaten them with the trauma of detention while demanding they hand over their money, and they do. There is no sparsity of evildoers in this place. Legal proceedings are so corrupt; all you need is to have one contact in the judicial system to erase any case that may have been filed against you by domestic migrants or a rights group supporting them.” (KI)

Many migrant workers never receive their wages. This was an issue even prior to the economic crisis, and it has worsened now that many Lebanese are unable to secure their own basic needs. Even with support from migrant rights groups, workers can at best recover only a fraction of what they are owed. 

One KI said, “There is no justice unless they manage to reach an NGO who takes up their case. If they go to a police station to file a report, they will likely face racism or be questioned (‘Where is your passport?’ ‘Have you stolen anything?’) rather than assisted.” However, another KI whose work centers around migrant rights pointed out that justice is usually unattainable. “While migrant domestic workers may stand a chance of getting some of their rights with NGO backing, even then it is not a given.” 

“Migrant-led groups have such limited resources, and face extremely high risks merely by existing. There is extremely slow but steady progress; what we have been able to do is a drop in the ocean of what needs to be done. In an ideal world and situation, the kafala system would have been abolished by now.” (KI)

At its height, the effects of the economic crisis were compounded by COVID-19 and the Beirut Port Blast. Numerous migrant workers experienced financial hardship, homelessness, abuse, and other indignities. During lockdowns, even those who could have travelled to their home countries were stranded, with some having to live in makeshift tents or on the street. [32] 

With regard to COVID-19 vaccination, Human Rights Watch [33] noted that “despite the government’s promises of an equitable program, the effort has been tainted by political interference and a lack of information,” which “risks leaving behind marginalized communities including refugees and migrant workers,” who comprise one-third of Lebanon’s population.

30.  Migrant workers in Lebanon are both female and male, although most migrant domestic workers are female. 

31. Anti-Racism Movement, September 2023. “Migrant Deaths in Lebanon: Concealed Causes.” https://armlebanon.org/news-report-september-2023/ 

32. UN News, 2020. “Photo Story: Migrant Workers ‘destitute’ in Beirut.” https://news.un.org/en/gallery/1128807 

33. HRW, 2021. “Lebanon: Refugees, Migrants Left Behind in Vaccine Rollout.” https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/06/lebanon-refugees-migrants-left-behind-vaccine-rollout 

LGBTQI+ People

Note: Feedback from a small number of respondents (independent activists and NGO representatives) reflected a deep-rooted misunderstanding of LGBTQI+ people. While their overall feedback did call for rights-based approaches, they also made comments that were unintentionally homophobic. Furthermore, one respondent pointedly declined to provide feedback.

As a marginalized community with overlapping vulnerabilities, LGBTQI+ people were reported to experience disproportional corruption and discrimination. In contrast to other groups, in which women tend to face more vulnerabilities, men from this community - especially those who are non-conforming in their gender expression – were reportedly much more likely to experience discrimination, violence, injustice, and corruption than women. 

“Studies we conducted have found that gay men feel much more personally targeted than their female counterparts. This is absolutely the result of ideologies deeply rooted in patriarchy. Lesbian women, on the other hand, are fetishized – “they are just girls” – so they do not experience much homophobia because they slip through the cracks.” (KI)

One KI commented that some individuals do not have clear sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC) expression, “but those who do will face bullying, attacks on the road, and be placed in tough positions at public departments and in the health sector.” She added that healthcare personnel often have the preconceived notion that these people have HIV and treat them according to that misconception. 

KIs working on LGBTQI+ rights said that, even within this category, transgender individuals, “who often do not even have the option of keeping their identities a secret,” disproportionately experienced abuse and discrimination; they could not benefit from public education, and most could not secure employment. Many must turn to sex work to survive – a great safety risk. Other challenges they face include completing official paperwork. For example, while some can renew their passports with no issues, in some cases – especially if the applicant’s appearance differs from the sex listed on their documentation – they may face mistreatment or bullying or may have to resort to bribery to complete the transaction. 

The absence of social security benefits poses another challenge, since this community would benefit significantly from them. One KI stressed the importance of government support, recalling incidents at the height of anti-gay sentiment in the United States in the 1980s. He explained that, although LGBTQI+ people were considered “sick” and “afflicted with HIV because of the wrath of God,” most ACT UP [34] activists who could not secure employment received welfare or disability payments from the government. He added, “This government support allowed them to continue fighting for their rights and make substantive change through lobbying concerned stakeholders. In Lebanon, what activist can say that? They cannot hold good jobs because almost nobody will employ them, they cannot go to school because of discrimination.” 

In addition to inadequate access to benefits and employment, as well as stigmatization, members of the LGBTQI+ community are subjected to hate speech and scapegoating from public and social leaders – sometimes in an effort to deflect public discourse from government failures.

“Recently, the government decided that one of the avenues to deepen and continue their corruption with impunity is to scapegoat the LGBTQI+ community by accusing them of spreading deviancy and moral corruption. This was a strategy used to create a “great enemy” which it is fighting against. Sadly, it worked quite well and diverted attention from other major socio-economic issues in the country. For a few months, LGBTQI+ debate dominated the discourse in the country, right up until the war in Gaza broke out and shifted attention to Palestine.” (KI) 
 

34. In 1981, the New York Times published an article titled “Rare Cancer Seen in 41 Homosexuals,” about the disease that would later become known as AIDS. Six years later, amid one of the highest periods of anti-gay sentiment, the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an activist group that would lead the fight against AIDS by raising awareness and pressuring government, pharmaceutical companies, and the medical establishment, was formed. https://actupny.com/actions/ 

Older Persons
An analysis of Lebanon’s population pyramid [35] from the start of the Civil War in 1975 until 2023 shows a significant transition from a youthful, expansive population to an aging, constrictive one (see Figure 3). This shift is attributable to factors including war, economic development and collapse, changing social norms, and decreased fertility. Ministry of Social Affairs figures [36] reveal that people over age 65 represent more than 11 percent of Lebanon’s current population – the highest percentage in the Arab region. The ministry also estimates that, by 2040, Lebanon will have more older people than children, especially due to “successive and increased migration waves of young adults seeking better work opportunities elsewhere, as well as counter-waves of return migration of workers post- retirement.” 

The aging of the Lebanese population will have a number of implications for the country. These include increased demand for healthcare and social security, both of which have buckled under the strains of the economic crisis and corruption, leaving people above the age of 65 without social security benefits or access to free healthcare. KIs mentioned that "because of corruption, they must wait in line for hours, sometimes days, to obtain medication—if they can afford it... Hospice care is available for older persons who can no longer afford to pay rent or whose children have emigrated, but most hospice care is sub-standard, and there have been reports of abuse against both women and men, as well as sexual assault, mostly against women."  

After they retire, pensioners lack social security or the private insurance that their employers may have provided. Several KIs also observed that the collapse of the banking sector and the devaluation of Lebanese currency due to corruption means that people who have worked for decades are left "without a single LBP to their name." One remarked, "How many countless times have we all gotten into a taxi with a driver who was over 80? Should these people not be enjoying their retirement with decency at this age?"  

Few CSOs work with older populations, and a notable proportion of those who do tend to rely on individual donations as older population groups are rarely included on donors' agendas.  

In general, respondents took a dire view of the situation of older persons. Several KIs pointed out that, until the National Strategy for Older Persons' social protection, pensions, and security goes into effect—after being on the table for years without being implemented—older people will continue to be at high risk.  

36. Lebanese Ministry of Social Affairs, 2020. The National Strategy for Older Persons in Lebanon 2020—2030. https://www.unescwa.org/sites/default/files/news/docs/online_-_final_english_strategy_for_online_use_1.pdf  

Women

Women in Lebanon face challenges associated with pervasive corruption in their communities and the country at large. Depending on their locations (for example, rural versus urban) and the attitudes of their families, girls often do not have the same opportunities as their brothers for education and building social networks. Corruption in the education system may affect women's opportunities for advancement, with their admission to schools or universities sometimes being denied based on their gender or family background. 

The combination of social norms and discriminatory practices can limit employment opportunities for women. For example, female FGD participants from the North and the Bekaa noted that employers often prefer to hire young, unmarried women on the assumption that a married woman will prioritize her household responsibilities over her work. A few said potential employers had stated that job offers were contingent on their being unmarried, and the few married candidates were told they should not become pregnant. Women may also face demands for bribes or favors to secure employment or promotions, or experience sexual harassment or rape in the workplace. One KI commented that these experiences can discourage women from seeking employment or "affect their husbands' willingness to allow them to work."  

"Women face corruption everywhere: in employment, public transactions, legal rights, and anything in between. Now they are changing, they are learning more, they have more presence, but this is still not enough. More awareness-raising on rights is needed because many still are unaware of what rights are afforded to them and how they can benefit from them despite the persisting pressures and injustice." (KI)

Existing legislation does not afford women necessary rights and protections, even in the face of violence, "because those deciding on which laws to pass are men, and their decisions are rooted in religious and patriarchal thought."

"Men—especially those in power—will always defend each other and their interests as men. They might be in opposing political parties and agree on nothing, but when the time comes to vote on personal status laws, they will all act in solidarity to deny women's rights." (KI)

Custody laws deprive Lebanese women of their children, with some sectarian personal status laws stipulating that men should be granted legal custody of their children as young as two years old, depending on the husband's sect (see Figure 4). One KI said, "this is all the worse if the husband has money or a wasta." She added, "My mother worked three jobs and my dad had no occupation besides beating her. He took everything from her and left nothing in her name. He always threatened that he would take away the kids. And indeed, many men would prefer to take their children and throw them in the street rather than allow their wives to keep them." 

Figure 4 — Paternal Custody Age, per Lebanese Sectarian Personal Status Laws

Paternal custody age, by gender of the child [37]

The current system forces women to endure violence and mistreatment to avoid losing their children —an indication of the importance of reforming custody laws. At the same time, efforts should include raising awareness among families and religious leaders, who tend to tell women to remain at home with their husbands regardless of the conditions in the household. 

Women's representation in political decision-making has always been low. In fact, when the Ministry of State for Women's Affairs was established in 2016, the minister appointed to lead was a man. The ministry was abolished in 2019 and incorporated into the Ministry of Social Affairs due to budget cuts. As of 2022, women's representation in Parliament stands at just 6.25 percent, well below the global average of 26.5 percent.[40] In 1985, women's rights activist Laure Moghaizel [41] pointed out that "women who enter parliament do so wearing black," since they always run for or are appointed to a seat vacated by a deceased father or spouse. Several KIs noted in 2023 that this was still the case. Calls for a gender quota in the electoral system have been made for years, but the current electoral law, adopted in 2017, lacks any provisions that reserve or mandate a certain percentage of seats for women. 

One KI remarked, "We have always pushed for a gender quota because the mentality remains that women should be at home and that there is no space for them in politics or the public sphere." Another KI expressed opposition to a gender quota "because it is more important to have people in Parliament on the basis of their skills rather than their gender." 

37. Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism, April 2019. "Ja'fari Courts Deprive Lebanese Divorcées of Children." https://arij.net/motherhood_denied/ 

38. Judges may override the laws (including the ages listed in Figure 4) in favor of either parent if they consider doing so to be "in the child's best interest." 

39. The Maronite, Roman, Armenian, Syriac, Chaldean, and Latin confessions are subject to a single Catholic personal status law. 

40. UN Women, 2023. "Women in politics: 2023." https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2023/03/women-in-politics-map-2023  

41. Al-Raida, Lebanese American University, 2005. "The Implementation of a Women's Quota System in Lebanese Legislation." https://inhouse.lau.edu.lb/iwsaw/raida111-112/EN/p048-089.pdf 

Men
In general, KIs did not believe men are as affected by corruption as other groups. Indeed, one KI remarked that men should not have been considered under this research "as they are not an underdog." There was consensus that, as residents of Lebanon, men are impacted by corruption—but not because they are men. Some respondents noted that the country is largely controlled by men; as the main decision-makers, they are the instigators of most of the corruption in the country. One said that while men are not as affected by corruption as women, there have been numerous instances of men committing suicide because they have been unable to fulfill their roles as breadwinners for their families as a result of the economic crisis. One respondent also noted the role of identity: While "men" cannot be differentiated as an identity group on its own, factors such as SOGIESC, socio-economic status, religion, and others play an important role in how they experience corruption. 

"The crisis has inevitably strengthened the very same political actors who had caused it. In a nutshell, we are now even more reliant on the corrupt political class for our basic rights, survival, and court mediation. Before, people relied on political leaders to get them a job or resolve an issue. Now they rely on them for the most basic needs. For food. For access to healthcare. To shelter. And this is what makes it all so much scarier.”(KI)

The discussion below highlights community members’ perceptions of the positive and negative effects of corruption on participation in public life. 

FGD participants in the Bekaa and the North took part in an interactive exercise in which they were randomly divided into groups. Each group brainstormed key facilitating and hindering factors – ways that corruption and its impacts may improve or pose obstacles to their participation in public life. Each group listed their ideas and appointed a group spokesperson to present them. Facilitators combined similar facilitating and hindering factors and asked participants to vote on the five factors they felt were the most critical in each category. Participants had the option to divide their votes among five factors or use two to five of their votes on the same factor, as they saw fit. 

On the whole, although participants agreed that corruption facilitated certain aspects of public life, their responses largely leaned toward affirming the negative implications of corruption on residents’ ability to participate in civic life. 

Corruption as a Facilitating Factor for Participation in Public Life 

FGD participants selected political corruption and misconduct (77 percent) as the most common facilitating factors. Other factors they selected were corrupt civic and political engagement (10 percent), discrimination and inequality (7 percent), and socioeconomic issues (6 percent). Figure 5 is a breakdown of opinions of facilitating factors per cohort. 

Political corruption and misconduct was primarily reported as facilitating access to jobs (including higher or well-paid positions, especially in the public sector) for people who could benefit from wasta, clientelism, and nepotism. This behavior includes barring qualified candidates from obtaining employment on merit by prioritizing party members, influential constituents, relatives of the ruling class, or individuals who could gain access through bribes. Forgery of credentials and documentation, facilitated by politicians, was a recurring topic in both locations; some respondents cited an example of a pharmacist with a forged degree who has been working in their community for over 20 years. Misuse of power and authority also enables individuals who are well-connected or able to pay bribes to complete governmental transactions rapidly or to secure protection and immunity when they might otherwise face persecution for illegal activities. 

"Because we had a close relationship with the head of the municipality after my husband died, he used his influence to make sure I did not have to pay any bills or fees for over 1.5 years. Even after that, he kept making sure that I got significant discounts when I had to pay."(Women without disabilities FGD participant, North)

Corrupt civic and political engagement: Membership in a political party or connections to influential figures or religious leaders give individuals "strength," influence, or benefits in society. Some participants believed being part of a CSO can facilitate certain benefits because members or staff may be able to misuse organizational resources or funds to their advantage and/or to access or undeservingly allocate assistance to friends and family at the expense of vulnerable individuals or households. Some NGO employees were reported to exploit their positions to barter assistance for kickbacks, including sexual favors or relationships with individuals from affected populations, usually women. 

"The electricity in my home stopped working. Usually, when this happens to households in my community, despite ample efforts, nobody responds or helps. I just called the electricity company and pretended I was an army general. They came and fixed it for me the next day.”(Men with disabilities FGD participant, Bekaa)

Discrimination and inequality: Respondents observed that discrimination, oppression, and sectarianism confer advantages for some people over others “when in the right setting, which creates favorable conditions for corruption.” Key manifestations of discrimination – with positive or negative effects – according to community members and KIs with disabilities included: 

• No equal opportunity employment. Respondents cited discriminatory behavior including inappropriate or irrelevant interview questions and refusal to hire due to disability regardless of an applicant’s merit and qualifications. Some noted that, when persons with disabilities are hired, they are often “under the microscope.” In contrast, employees without disabilities might sometimes do only one-third of the work they did without issue. In this way, not having a disability would work in one’s favor. 
• Different treatment of people with visible disabilities. While the law confers certain benefits to persons with disabilities, compliance is uncommon, and many respondents observed occasional preferential treatment “not because we have rights as persons with disabilities, but mostly out of pity.” 

Socio-economic issues: Individuals experiencing economic hardship – especially due to the ongoing economic crisis – are more likely to engage in corrupt acts to secure a decent life and improve their situations and living conditions. This is especially so if the corrupt behavior incurs financial incentives. Indeed, politicians may prey on vulnerable groups to further their interests through illicit enrichment, taking over property at minimal prices, providing temporary assistance during election periods as a vote-buying strategy, and administrative corruption. 
 

Corruption as a Hindering Factor for Participation in Public Life 

As with facilitating factors, respondents considered political corruption relatively common (54 percent). Other responses were divided among socioeconomic issues (15 percent), discrimination and inequality (12 percent), injustice and human rights transgressions (11 percent), and lack of security and safety (7 percent) (see Figure 6). 

Political corruption and misconduct has the most severe impacts on the lives and participation of all residents, as it has been “festering for decades, and has become unstoppable.” Community members described the misuse of power to engage in illicit acts, including theft of public (and even private) funds; not providing required services and leaving the burden to NGOs; and engaging in recurring political inheritance, unfair elections, and political bias. These acts all limit citizens’ ability to enjoy a wide range of rights, including political participation. Furthermore, administrative corruption and “the fact that bribery is a given” restricts access to opportunities and services, especially for people who are unable to afford to pay bribes. But men from Tripoli pointed out that paying bribes is not the only problem: Public sector employees who willingly accept bribes may need to comply with requests that conflict with their beliefs. In other words, taking bribes can affect their lives and freedom of choice. However, many respondents from the different groups noted that low incomes in the public sector make accepting bribes a necessity. 

"Corruption has become such a normalized part of life, that if you refuse to participate in corrupt acts like bribery, you become the strange one.” (Men with disabilities FGD participant, Bekaa)

Discrimination and inequality - on the basis of sex, ability, socio-economic status, religion, or background - across all public and private sectors of society, including employment, education, healthcare, and the judicial system, hinder the ability to participate fully in public life. Further, they create opportunities for corrupt practices to flourish. The lack of reasonable accommodations for people with disabilities compounds this issue by preventing them from engaging fully in civic and political processes (for example, inability to access polling stations due to the lack of appropriately equipped public transportation and polling stations). A further obstacle to public participation is lack of access to information. Without adequate information about candidates and political issues, individuals cannot make informed decisions and engage meaningfully in democratic processes. The absence of sign language interpretation or captioning in media broadcasts further excludes people with disabilities from obtaining essential information, limiting their understanding of current events and ability to navigate society safely and effectively. 

Socio-economic issues: The collapse of Lebanon’s social and economic systems, lack of a healthy labor market, brain drain, increasing illiteracy, poverty, and citizens’ inability to cover basic needs create widespread hardships and foster apathy regarding participation in public affairs. Resulting disillusionment is exacerbated by the monopolization or theft of assistance such as food or medications intended for vulnerable groups. Participants in different groups expressed frustration at learning that aid provided by international donors and Lebanese expatriates, especially after the Port Blast, had been “left in warehouses to rot” or appeared on supermarket shelves, clearly marked as assistance that was “not for sale.” Tax evasion, common among the rich and poor alike, contributes to the government’s bankruptcy and ineffectiveness. The result is a vicious circle: Community members do not believe they should pay taxes “which are unjustified as the state provides nothing in return.” Persons with disabilities emphasized this point of view, noting that they received even less consideration than those without disabilities (no tax exemptions, welfare or assistance, specialized medical services, reasonable accommodations in public transport, or enforcement of legal protections, especially through Law 220/2000). 

Security and safety issues: Security may be lacking due to government mismanagement, limited or unavailable funding, favoritism, and acceptance of bribes to avoid prosecution –including in the face of terrorism, intimidation, oppression, abduction, wielding illegal weaponry, and other forms of violence. All these factors play strong roles in repressing participation in public life. The challenges are even greater among certain population groups, such as refugees, migrants, and some transgender people, as their basic right to freedom of mobility is restricted. 

Lack of justice and human rights: Impunity for criminal activity, the inability to build a state that is protected by the judiciary and the Constitution, and lack of enforcement of separation of powers between the judiciary and the political class contribute to an environment of fear and discourage civic participation. Weak personal status laws, failure to implement or enforce legislation (especially law 220/2000), and not providing the necessary protections for marginalized populations who are victimized by Lebanese society significantly hinders their ability to participate in public life and live with dignity and freedom.